By National Research Council, Division of Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education, Committee on Population, Ethnicity, and Health in Later Life Panel on Race, Barney Cohen, Randy A. Bulatao, Norman B. Anderson
Of their later years, american citizens of alternative racial and ethnic backgrounds should not in both good--or both poor--health. there's huge version, yet on general older Whites are fitter than older Blacks and have a tendency to survive them. yet Whites are typically in poorer overall healthiness than Hispanics and Asian americans. This quantity files the differentials and considers attainable reasons. choice techniques play a task: selective migration, for example, or selective survival to complicated a long time. healthiness differentials originate early in existence, most likely even sooner than delivery, and are stricken by occasions and stories in the course of the lifestyles path. alterations in socioeconomic prestige, possibility habit, social kinfolk, and healthiness care all play a task. Separate chapters give some thought to the contribution of such elements and the biopsychosocial mechanisms that hyperlink them to overall healthiness. This quantity offers the empirical facts for the learn schedule supplied within the separate document of the Panel on Race, Ethnicity, and future health in Later existence.
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Additional info for Critical Perspectives on Racial and Ethnic Differences in Health in Late Life
CAMPBELL, AND J. EGGERLING-BOECK cial and/or ethnic group. These markers can be physical such as skin color, or they can involve surnames or accents. Changes in a racial or ethnic identity can occur at both the group and individual levels. 7 Nagel (1996) described the extensive changes in American Indian identity in the second half of the 20th century. Social factors such as the civil rights movement, World War II, and federal Indian policy led to an “ethnic renewal” among American Indians. This, in turn, led to a revised understanding of the American Indian category; it also led many individuals who previously identified as some other race to change their ethnic identity from some other category to American Indian.
Prior to the 20th century, racial and ethnic groups were perceived as permanent, biological types. Scholars of race and ethnicity turned to Biblical passages and, later, theories of natural history to explain the origins of differences among ethnic and racial groups IDENTIFICATION, OFFICIAL CLASSIFICATIONS, HEALTH DISPARITIES 27 (Banton, 1998). They concluded that these group differences were natural and immutable. Cornell and Hartmann (1998) explain that the paradigms popular among social scientists in the late 19th and early 20th centuries “conceived ethnic and racial groups as biologically distinct entities and gave to biology the larger part of the responsibility for differences in the cultures and the political and economic fortunes of these groups” (Cornell and Hartmann, 1998, p.
This change had a relatively minor impact on the count of racial and ethnic groups in 1970 compared to 1960. However, it created a situation that led to significant changes in counts during subsequent years. This methodological shift proved to be especially influential for American Indians. During the period between 1960 and the end of the 20th century, the size of the American Indian population as measured by the Census increased much more than could be accounted for by migration or births (Eschbach, 1993; Nagel, 1996).
Critical Perspectives on Racial and Ethnic Differences in Health in Late Life by National Research Council, Division of Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education, Committee on Population, Ethnicity, and Health in Later Life Panel on Race, Barney Cohen, Randy A. Bulatao, Norman B. Anderson